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Building Its Own Delivery Network, 亚马孙 Puts 的 Squeeze On Drivers


While millions have lost 的ir jobs 和 thousands of 小本生意es have shut 的ir doors, at least 上 e 公司 has thrived during 的 pandemic: 亚马孙. The e-commerce behemoth controls 40 percent of 上 line sales 和 has amassed record profits. The net worth of founder Jeff Bezos, 的 world’s richest man, has jumped to $186 billion, up more than $70 billion since March. 

亚马孙’s continued growth 和 dominance in 上 line retailing are due to its mastery of logistics—including its investment in building 的 world’s largest contingent (that is, not made up of permanent employees) last-mile delivery network, with over 500,000 contracted drivers globally. 

Last-mile logistics workers complete 的 final steps of delivery to a consumer’s home (or a neighborhood 亚马孙 locker). While most packages in 的 U.S. are still delivered 通过 的 big four—UPS, FedEx, DHL, 和 的 Postal Service (USPS)—Amazon is increasingly building out its own delivery network, posing a major threat to 的se firms 和 to working conditions in 的 industry. 


In contrast to big-box retailers that rely heavily 上 warehouse workers hired through temp agencies, 亚马孙 directly employs hundreds of thousands of warehouse workers around 的 world (though it still regularly hires temps during peak periods). 

However, in 的 last-mile delivery sector, 亚马孙 has taken a different approach: expanding its network of contingent 和 subcontracted drivers.

The last mile is 上 e of most 劳动-intensive components of 的 e-commerce supply chain. Nearly 上 e-third of 的 total cost of shipping goods occurs here. Logistics experts have described 的 challenges facing e-commerce firms as “the last-mile problem,” since 的 final leg of delivery usually involves multiple stops with small packages.

To decrease its dependence 上 的 big four (including 的 联盟ized UPS 和 USPS), 亚马孙 has invested in parcel delivery. By 2019, around half of 亚马孙 Prime packages in 的 U.S. were delivered 通过 subcontractors or contingent workers.


亚马孙 Flex drivers are 零工 treated as independent contractors, similar to Uber drivers. They are paid per completion of a delivery route, not 通过 的 hour. Flex drivers must provide 的ir own vehicles or rent delivery vans.

Independent contractors lack 的 legal rights of employees to 联盟ize 和 enforce minimum wage protections. In 2019, a group of 亚马孙 Flex Drivers based in California sued 亚马孙, claiming that 的 公司 had intentionally misclassified Flex drivers as independent contractors to avoid paying overtime 和 employee benefits.

In addition to Flex, 的 公司 is increasingly relying 上 its Delivery Service Partners program, rolled out in 2018. DSPs are small subcontracted parcel delivery firms with 20–40 delivery vans apiece—considered “independent” of 亚马孙, though 的y exclusively deliver packages for 亚马孙 Prime customers.


DSP fleets are limited to 40 vans to complicate 联盟ization efforts 和 to increase 亚马孙’s flexibility 和 power over 的 price paid per delivery. Limiting 的ir size makes it difficult for 的se small firms to gain leverage against 亚马孙. Each DSP manages between 40 和 100 employees.

我住在南加州,这是亚马逊在全球最大的市场之一。多年来,在这里最常见的情况是看到白色的无标记送货车,工人穿着反光背心,在街上匆匆忙忙地运送Amazon Prime包裹。但是,今天,大多数DSP都租用灰蓝色的亚马逊品牌的送货车和亚马逊制服作为司机。然而,尽管它们出现了,但这些分包的交付驱动程序并未在Amazon上正式使用。

The majority of 的se drivers in Southern California work eight- to 10-hour shifts 和 earn about $15 per hour. Many do not receive health insurance benefits. 

These workers face extreme pressure to meet 的 demands of 亚马孙’s tight delivery terms. During peak holiday periods, 的 number of deliveries can reach as high as 400 per shift. Drivers complain of unpaid overtime, poor working conditions, 和 unrealistic expectations 和 pressures set 通过 亚马孙.

Between Flex 和 的 DSPs, 亚马孙’s expanding market power has introduced new levels of exploitation for thousands of 送货司机, many of 的m workers of color 和 immigrants. 


Walmart became 的 world’s largest corporation 通过 developing a sophisticated logistics management program, which reduced inefficiencies in 的 movement of consumer goods across thousands of miles.

However, 的 supply-chain management approach that Walmart perfected in 的 big-box era has not adapted well to 的 rapid changes brought 上 通过 的 growth of e-commerce.

Big-box retailers have struggled to compete because 的ir infrastructure was built to accommodate long-distance shipping. E-commerce depends upon a more localized 和 fragmented distribution 和 delivery system. 

Consumers demand increasingly fast delivery to 的ir homes; 的 亚马孙 Prime program has driven further consumer demand for expedited free shipping. All this creates pressure 上 workers in both warehousing 和 last-mile delivery to speed up.

Connected to this speed-up are technologies that track workers’ movements 和 speed in real 时间。 亚马孙 is 的 industry leader in worker surveillance across 的 global supply chain.

亚马孙’s logistics infrastructure relies upon this exploitation 和 hyper-surveillance of both warehouse workers 和 contracted 送货司机. In global 劳动 organizing, joining 的se two groups together will be critical to worker power.


To compete with 亚马孙, FedEx has begun to tap into 的 e-commerce market 通过 working with hybrid retailers (big-box stores that combine offline 和 上 line sales) that offer in-store pickup.

According to FedEx, approximately half of all 上 line purchases occur after 4 p.m. This prompted 的 公司 to roll out a new late-night shipping option, giving retailers 的 opportunity to offer next-day shipping 上 orders placed as late as midnight. 

FedEx Express drivers pick up 的 packages from retailers as late as 2 a.m. 和 take 的m to sorting hubs. Deliveries can occur as soon as 的 next day within 的 local market, 和 two days for destinations farther away.

The late-night shipping program began in 2017 as a pilot in Los Angeles. Since 的n it has entered 100 local markets. Using 的 physical infrastructure of big-box retail outlets as a point of competitive advantage, FedEx has increased 的 speed from fulfillment centers to delivery to less than 24 hours. 

Competition between 亚马孙 和 hybrid retail firms has fueled a race to capture 的 last-mile market in other ways, too. 亚马孙’s acquisition of Whole Foods, at a price of $13.7 billion, had less to do with groceries 和 more to do with increasing its last-mile market share.

By acquiring Whole Foods, 亚马孙 instantly added to its delivery network 440 refrigerated warehouses within 10英里 of 80 percent of 的 population. Since 的 acquisition, 亚马孙 Flex drivers routinely use Whole Foods stores to drop off 和 pick up packages at 亚马孙 lockers. The acquisition also improved 亚马孙’s last-mile market position in relation to its hybrid retail competitors Walmart 和 Target.

该博客最初出现在 劳工须知 于2020年12月17日发行。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 杰克·阿里玛霍姆德·威尔森 是一个 sociology professor at Cal State-Long Beach. He is 的 co-editor, with Ellen Reese, of The Cost of Free Shipping: 亚马孙 in 的 Global Economy (Pluto 按, 2020). This piece 是一个n edited excerpt from 的 book. 在这里阅读评论。


Dear Mackenzie: There’s One 更多 Donation You Owe to 的 World


亲爱的麦肯齐 Scott, 

这个礼拜 宣布 您赚了$ 4.2 bil­lion in char­i­ta­ble dona­tions in 的 past four months. For that you deserve an extreme­ly mod­est amount of con­grat­u­la­tions! You are, no doubt, besieged at all times 通过 peo­ple who come to kiss your ass 和 beg for mon­ey. We come to you today with some­thing dif­fer­ent: moral con­dem­na­tion leav­ened with 上 ly 的 faintest sense of praise?—?com­bined with an idea that offers redemp­tion for you  for 的 belea­guered reg­u­lar peo­ple of Amer­i­ca at 的 same time.

根据报告,您的净资产约为 $ 60 bil­lion。你怎么变得如此富有?与亚马逊首席执行官杰夫·贝佐斯(Jeff Bezos)结婚,你就变得如此富有 25 年份。更具体地说,你变得如此富有 离婚 杰夫·贝佐斯(Jeff Bezos)去年 4% of 亚马孙’s stock in 的 process. That stake in 的 com­pa­ny was worth $ 38 bil­lion when you got it. You have 的re­fore made more than $20 bil­lion in 的 past year, thanks to 的 公司’s boom dur­ing 的 pandemic. 

Here is where we will say some­thing mild­ly nice about you: You seem to be 上 的 good end of 的 十亿­aire class. Many of your wealthy peers view char­i­ta­ble giv­ing as a chance to see 的ir name adorn­ing fan­cy build­ings, or to attend lav­ish social events while being insu­lat­ed from crit­i­cism for 的ir lav­ish­ness. Oth­ers, like your ex-hus­band, view char­i­ty as an unim­por­tant after­thought, donat­ing an inde­fen­si­bly 微不足道的 por­tion of 的ir wealth to 的 needy, or leav­ing 的 task to a foun­da­tion after 的y’re dead. By giv­ing away 十亿s this year alone, you have demon­strat­ed that you grasp, to some extent, 的 moral urgency of help­ing peo­ple soon­er rather than lat­er. You have 认捐 to give away 的 major­i­ty of your wealth in your own life­time?—?not much of an eth­i­cal achieve­ment 通过 彼得·辛格 stan­dards, but in 的 con­text of Amer­i­can 十亿­aires, not bad. 

此外,您在哪里选择的选择似乎表明您确实在乎影响,而不仅仅是庄重和闪耀。您寻找了从历史上黑人大学到当地食品银行的小型组织,这些组织可以 用您的钱花很多钱,而不是懒惰地向大型国家集团签发支票,这些支票会让您获得良好的P.R., 您在中层管理上的很多钱。您展示了 基本的人性化观念,仅此一项就可以使您领先于大多数人 peers. 

当然,这还不足以给您带来 pass. The very exis­tence of a $ 60bil­lion for­tune in 的 hands of 上 e per­son 是一个 crime, proof of 的 way that human soci­ety has evolved away from jus­tice. And your for­tune, in par­tic­u­lar, is not clean. Your mon­ey was earned 上 的 backs of hun­dreds of thou­sands of reg­u­lar peo­ple who have done 的 work 这使亚马逊运行,并遭受了 result. They have suf­fered phys­i­cal­ly. They have suf­fered finan­cial­ly. And 的y have suf­fered exis­ten­tial­ly, 通过 being treat­ed at every turn as cogs in a machine, rather than as human beings whose own hopes 和 dreams 和 auton­o­my 应该 allowed to flour­ish. Every Ama­zon ware­house work­er forced to 撒尿 bot­tle because 的y didn’t have suf­fi­cient breaks; every Ama­zon office work­er who slept in 的ir car in order to keep 的ir job; every Ama­zon 送货司机 denied a 在实际职业中有机会 生活工资和福利,因为该公司已经实现了这一目标,他们将永远不会 全职员工;所有这些人都把 dol­lar into your pock­et, Macken­zie 斯科特 Your for­tune came from 的m. Your mon­ey was earned 通过 squeez­ing 的m into pover­ty. That is 的 plain truth. No mat­ter how nice of a 您可能认为自己是的人,事实是您有一个 对所有这些人的深厚债务 people. 

你可以,我 guess, just write a 检查并给每个亚马逊员工一个 几千美元。这对于一个很好 过去了,但什么都不会改变。您无法解决 结构性债务 trin­ket. In order to start cor­rect­ing 的 fun­da­men­tal injus­tices that have made you so rich, you must do some­thing that can give those work­ing peo­ple 的ir own pow­er to take back con­trol of 的ir lives. 

亚马逊需要一个 union。和我 很高兴地说:Mackenzie Scott,您可以提供帮助。很难组织一个 像亚马逊这样的公司,都是因为它是一家 比任何一个工会都拥有资源更大的野兽,因为它将花费大量时间 为了防止工人行使其基本的组织权,他们在谎言和恐吓上花费了大量金钱。但是金钱甚至可以帮助公平竞争。为一个 您刚刚捐出的钱中的一小部分?例如,$ 100 百万美元?这有可能在全国范围内雇用组织者,其明确目的是使亚马逊联合起来。该公司目前 打架 反对一个联合工会 在阿拉巴马州的仓库;我们需要让他们一次在全国数百个仓库中对抗并行联合驱动器。工人运动知道如何组织工人,但它的资源根本无法与1.6美元相提并论。 万亿公司可以淘汰像 巨人粉碎一只蚂蚁。给亚马逊的工人一个 有机会的话,公司必须组织起来。并组织一个 像这样的公司,必须有专门的国家基础设施来进行此工作,并且只有此工作。在美国,没有一个工会有足够的资金来建立必要的规模。但是,你知道吗,麦肯齐 Scott. 

With 上 e check, you can make it pos­si­ble to start 联盟­iz­ing 的 com­pa­ny that made you a mega-bil­lion­aire. This is 的 sin­gle best way to start pay­ing your moral debt to those whose lives have been treat­ed as dis­pos­able in ser­vice to 亚马孙’s growth. And, it will real­ly piss off Jeff Bezos. I 认为我们都希望看到这一点, no? 

We’re going to have to con­fis­cate 的 rest of your mon­ey when 的 rev­o­lu­tion comes any­how. Might as well set your kar­ma right before then. 


未洗 masses

该博客最初出现在 在这些时代 于2020年12月17日发行。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 汉密尔顿·诺兰 是一个 labor reporter for 在这些时代. He has spent 的 past decade writ­ing about 劳动 和 pol­i­tics for Gawk­er, Splin­ter, The Guardian, 和 else­where. 




2020年12月6日,一位联邦法官听取了关于在 Reyes-Trujillo v. 四星 Greenhouse, a case brought 通过 a group of farmworkers alleging wage 和 hour violations against 的 greenhouse 公司 where 的y worked. The case illustrates why a strong Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) joint employment standard is critical to raising 劳动 standards in 的 H-2A temporary agricultural visa program 和 providing H-2A farmworkers with a meaningful remedy for 劳动 violations.

The plaintiffs, H-2A agricultural visa holders from México, worked for 四星 Greenhouse, a 密西根州 corporation that cultivates 和 sells plants 和 finished crops. 四星 engaged a farm 劳动 contractor to recruit its workers through 的 H-2A visa program, which allows employers to recruit foreign nationals to 的 United States to work in temporary agricultural jobs.


The farmworkers allege that, while working at 四星, 的y endured egregious 劳动 violations, including not being paid for all hours worked 和 having 的ir work checks bounce. The plaintiffs complained to both 四星 和 的 farm 劳动 contractor that 的y had not been paid, after which 的 contractor allegedly retaliated 通过 orchestrating 的 arrest 和 deportation of some of 的 plaintiffs 通过 federal immigrant agents.

The plaintiffs, represented 通过 的 密西根州 Immigrant Rights Center, Farmworker Legal Services, 和 Centro de Los Derechos del Migrante, sued 四星 for violations of 的 Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) 和 的 Migrant 和 Seasonal Agricultural Worker Act (AWPA) based 上 的 wage violations 和 retaliation 的y endured.

四星 filed a motion to dismiss 的 case, arguing, among other things, that it was not 的 plaintiffs’ employer so was not responsible under 的 FLSA or 的 AWPA.

在NELP的 友情简介 supporting 的 plaintiffs’ opposition to 的 motion to dismiss, 耐力 argues that Congress intended for 的 FLSA 和 的 AWPA to expand accountability for labor violations to companies that insert contractors between 的mselves 和 的ir 劳动ers while maintaining 的 economic power to prevent FLSA 和 AWPA violations.

The definition of “employ” in 的 FLSA 和 的 AWPA—which includes “to suffer or permit to work”—is 的 broadest definition of employment used in a law. It derives from state child 劳动 laws, which used 的 “suffer or permit to work” language to reach businesses that used middlemen to illegally hire 和 supervise children.   

有了这个宽泛的定义, 很明显,国会打算让FLSA和AWPA都涵盖那些可以为自己的利益而从事工作并有权防止工资和工时滥用的企业, 即使他们不承担雇主责任。 因为“四星”有权了解和预防 严重的侵犯 the 原告忍受了 should be considered 的 plaintiffs’ employer under 的 FLSA 和 AWPA. 

Because 四星 had 的 power to know about 和 prevent 严重的侵犯 the 原告忍受了 should be considered 的 plaintiffs’ employer under 的 FLSA 和 AWPA. 

此外,H-2A签证计划中存在地方剥削现象,除非雇用H-2A农场工人的公司,否则这种剥削现象不能得到遏制。 through farm 劳工承包商应承担责任。 H-2A工人来自家乡,几乎没有工作机会,他们中的大多数人来自墨西哥,他们经常以沉重的债务来到美国,为在美国工作的机会付出了高昂的费用和差旅费。  

Companies like 四星 that use farm 劳动 contractors to recruit, transport, 和 pay H-2A 移民 workers exacerbate 的 workers’ vulnerability to exploitation.  Labor brokers like 的 farm 劳动 contractor in this case traffic in foreign workers whom 的y hire out to a variety of different employers.   

工人的住房,食品和运输依赖于农业劳工承包商,而四星之类的农业活动则依靠其工作和生计。 许多农场劳动承包商的资产很少,这意味着工人因侵犯其权利而无法从他们那里获得法律追索权。同时,农业经营可以尝试避免对其承担责任 migrant 指着农场劳动承包商对工人的剥削。 

Meanwhile 的 agricultural operations can attempt to avoid responsibility for 的ir migrant 指着农场劳动承包商对工人的剥削。 

This attempt to deflect responsibility is precisely what is happening in 的 Four Star case. Holding farm operators like 四星 accountable to 的ir subcontracted workers as an employer will improve FLSA 和 AWPA compliance in an industry with rampant worker abuse.  

它将激励农场经营者直接雇用H-2A签证农场工人,或 choose farm labor contractors with strong compliance records 和 to set up procedures that detect 的ir contractors’ unlawful 劳动 practices. And it will increase workers’ chances of obtaining a meaningful remedy for violations of 的ir rights.

该博客最初出现在 耐力 2020年12月16日。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 劳拉·帕丁(Laura Padin) joined 耐力 in 2018 as a senior staff attorney for 的 Work Structures Portfolio.


Big 公司 suck 的 marrow out of 的 COVID-19 economy, leaving devastation behind 的m


What’s 的 use of a crisis if big 公司 和 wealthy people can’t use it to make more money, preferably at 的 expense of those with less than 的m? I ask you! 

Well, 通过 that standard, 的 新冠病毒 pandemic has worked out quite well. A large majority of 的 biggest publicly traded companies were profitable between April 和 September, but 一半以上下岗工人. Meanwhile, 的y watched 小本生意 revenue crash 和 many 小本生意es go under.

根据一个 华盛顿邮报 analysis, it breaks down like this: “45 of 的 50 most valuable publicly traded U.S. companies turned a profit,” with an average of 2% revenue growth through 的 first nine months of 的 year. But at least 27 of those 50 firms had 裁员, leading to more than 100,000 people losing 的ir jobs.

At 的 same time, 小本生意 revenue dropped 12%, with at least 100,000 小本生意es closing.

To add insult to injury for 的 workers laid off 通过 的se large, profitable companies, many entered 的 pandemic with rah rah rhetoric about protecting 的ir workers. Salesforce CEO Marc Benioff 认捐 “not to conduct any significant lay offs over 的 next 90 days.” He kept that promise. But about two months after that 90 days was up, Salesforce laid off 1,000 workers despite big profits.


该博客最初出现在 每日科斯 2020年12月16日。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 劳拉·克劳森(Laura Clawson) has been a contributing editor since 2006年12月. Clawson has been full-time staff since 2011, 和 is currently assistant managing editor at 的 每日科斯.


Service + Solidarity Spotlight: The Season of Giving: Labor Brightens 的 假期 for Hundreds of Illinois Kids


Working people across 的 United States have stepped up to help out our friends, neighbors 和 communities during 的se trying times. In our regular Service + Solidarity Spotlight series, we’ll showcase 上 e of 的se stories every day. Here’s today’s story.

Dozens of members of 的 Bloomington &正常(伊利诺伊州)交易& Labor Assembly turned out 上 Saturday for 的 劳动 council’s annual 有需要的家庭的假期活动。在过去的38年中,劳工委员会赞助了针对低收入家庭的儿童圣诞节派对。工会提供志愿者和后勤服务;当地的商会带来志愿者并筹集资金。传统上,该活动在布鲁明顿高中举行,比赛的一个早晨,圣诞老人的来访,约有350-375名儿童参加。由于使用了COVID-19,因此今年的活动已改为在伊利诺伊州Normal的Midwest Food Bank举行的一次驾车活动。为来自318个家庭的856名儿童提供了服务。

每个孩子都会收到一份礼物和一个糖果袋,每个家庭都会从当地报纸The Pantagraph获得一个USDA食品篮和100美元的礼品券。大约80名志愿者参加了该活动,并于12月11日准备了礼品盒和糖果袋,然后帮助将车辆运送到食品库仓库,志愿者在那儿装载汽车。参加的工会包括本地劳工362(LLUNA),当地画家和联合贸易(IUPAT)30,美国教师联合会(AFT)6038,地方管道工和管道工联合会(UA)本地99,戏剧舞台雇员(IATSE)本地193,联合钢铁工人(USW)本地787,AFSCME本地699,电气工人(IBEW)本地197。

该博客最初出现在 AFL首席信息官 2020年12月16日。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 亚伦·加兰特 是AFL-CIO的贡献者。




The Paycheck Protection Program (PPP) was supposed to keep 小本生意es from laying off workers during 的 新冠病毒 大流行。 (Disclosure: Kos Media获得了“薪资保护计划”贷款.) 并非总是这样。 特朗普和库什纳公司获得贷款,就像 掠夺性发薪日放款人, but many of 的 businesses that needed 的 loans most 被排除在外

UNITE HERE, 的 联盟 representing 款待 workers, has set its sights 上 a major hotel chain that got tens of millions of dollars in PPP loans but laid off 的 workers at many of its hotels. In a letter to 的 Small Business Administration (SBA), 的 联盟 calls 上 的 SBA to “closely scrutinize” 的 hotels 和 的 lending banks.

Omni酒店会员在32家酒店获得了高达7,600万美元的收入 根据UNITE HERE的资料,PPP贷款。但是在 cases for 工会有“直接知识”,五家酒店获得了近1500万美元的贷款。尽管如此,“其中三个人-奥姆·普罗维登斯(Omni Providence),奥姆尼·旧金山(Omni San Francisco)和奥姆尼·威廉·佩恩(Omni William Penn)暂时关闭,我们的会员都没有被酒店聘用或付款。 Omni New Haven和Omni Parker House直到最近才重新开放,但没有提供所有设施,而且酒店未能召回80%以上在酒店工作的会员。”

This is not what 的 PPP was supposed to do, 和 it’s directly harmful to 的 workers. “The failure of 的se hotels to rehire 的ir employees has financially harmed our members 和 created great uncertainty for 的m 和 的ir families. So far, we have not received commitments from Omni to use 的 loans to fully rehire 的 workers we represent.”

The 联盟 also sent letters to 的 managers of 的 hotels in question, noting that 的y appear not to be in compliance with 的 PPP’s terms 和 calling 上 的m to rehire workers, along with letters to 的 banks responsible for most of 的 loans, calling 上 的m to take a very close look at whether 的 hotels qualify for forgiveness.

“它 is time for 的 SBA to step up 和 ensure that money intended to help American workers actually benefits 的m,” UNITE HERE执行副总裁Carlos Aramayo说. “It is unfathomable that massive 公司 like Omni have access to millions of tax-payer backed loans, while hundreds of 的ir workers remain without a paycheck heading into 的 holidays.”

众议员凯蒂·波特(Katie Porter) 以前要求进行调查 在这些旅馆获得PPP贷款后,她在加利福尼亚州国会区及周边地区裁员。

该博客最初出现在 每日科斯 于2020年12月15日发行。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 劳拉·克劳森(Laura Clawson) has been a contributing editor since 2006年12月. Clawson has been full-time staff since 2011, 和 is currently assistant managing editor at 的 每日科斯.




U.S. lawmakers are struggling to hammer out another economic relief package before Congress adjourns next week. But for millions of Americans, 的 deadline may have already passed.

即使国会达成协议, some 12 million unemployed people could see 的ir benefits lapse after Christmas. Worker advocates say it could take weeks for 的 jobless aid programs to get back 上 line as lags in programming for outdated state systems cause delays in relief checks.

“We’re already too late,” said Michele Evermore, an 失业 insurance expert at 的 National Employment Law Project. From 的 time Congress passes an extension of 失业 aid, she said, many states wouldn’t be up 和 running for “three weeks or four weeks” at 的 fastest.

That would not 上 ly fuel 的 desperation of unemployed households but could also cut into consumer spending as 的 新冠病毒 resurges across 的 nation, jeopardizing 的 economic recovery just as Joe Biden’s presidential administration gets under way.

Several federal 失业 programs are set to run out 的 day after Christmas, cutting millions of Americans off from 的ir financial lifelines if Congress doesn’t pass another relief package.

What’s worse for 的 unemployed, 的 nonprofits 和 food banks that many have been turning to have 的mselves been bleeding workers under 的 crushing demand during 的 大流行。

一个由两党组成的立法者团体在流传 一项将扩展两个主要计划的提案 — 大流行 Unemployment Assistance 和 大流行 Emergency 失业补偿 — through 的 spring. Both are slated to expire Dec. 31, with final payments going out Dec. 26 — which is less than a week before a 联邦暂停驱逐也将到期.

The provisions are 的 上 ly source of aid for those who have exhausted state benefits, as well as for 零工, 的 self-employed 和 others hit hardest 通过 的 大流行。

Anything Congress includes in 的 next round of aid that is even modestly different from 的 programs implemented earlier this year “is going to take time to reprogram,” said Elizabeth Pancotti, a policy adviser at 的 pro-worker Employ America. “In some states that might be a week or two; in other states, we’ve seen it [take] five, six, seven weeks.”

“Anything that’s just 的 slightest bit different 是一个 nightmare to reprogram,” she added.

A spokesperson for 的 Illinois Department of Employment Security agreed that any delays depend 上 how 的 congressional programs are structured, adding that new programs — 和 often extensions of existing 上 es — “take time to stand up.”

Angela Delli-Santi, a spokesperson for 的 New Jersey Department of Labor 和 Workforce Development, said 的 state anticipates “no lapse” in providing benefits to people, although she also said it hinges 上 what 的 final language is 上 restarting 的 programs.

The bipartisan congressional proposal would provide 的 jobless with an extra $300 a week in 的ir benefit checks — which would require state agencies to restart a program that expired at 的 end of July. The Federal 大流行 失业补偿 program originally offered 的 unemployed an extra $ 600 a week, but Congress failed to extend it when it lapsed July 31.

Should Congress pass an extension of 的 programs, states would 的n have to wait for 的 U.S. Labor Department to issue guidance before sending out payments — which could be hard to turn around quickly during 的 holidays.

At 的 same time, 的 need for more aid is growing. About 1.3 million applications for 失业 benefits came in last week in both regular state programs 和 的 federal PUA program, 的 Labor Department reported Thursday — 的 highest number of new claims since September.

New applications in state 失业 programs alone saw a more than a 30 percent jump in 的 week following 的 Thanksgiving holiday.

Without 的 cash, many unemployed will have no choice but to turn to food banks 和 other nonprofits. Miles-long lines of people have been overwhelming food banks, with demand rising 通过 about 60 percent from last year, according to 的 nonprofit Feeding America.

Yet since 的 outset of 的 pandemic, nonprofits have shed nearly 1 million of 的ir own workers: Not 上 ly has that created a greater need for services, but it has also driven up costs due to 的 need to purchase protective gear 和 execute other measures to keep 志愿者s safe.

“We’re already seeing nonprofits closing 的ir doors — 和 we’re 的 backup for people,” said Rick Cohen, chief communications officer for 的 National Council of Nonprofits. “We are where 的y go when 的 government programs run out or when 的y’re not enough. And if we’re not 的re. Where do people turn?”

耐力的Evermore表示,非营利组织“并没有打算让这么多人呆这么长时间。” “这些都是有限的资源。”

“Unemployment insurance is 的 program that we created to deal with this particular problem,” she went 上 . “And without it, we can’t.”

Jessica Oyanagi, 40, was running a photography business out of Maui when 的 pandemic hit 和 she lost most of her customers. Because her photographers were independent contractors rather than employees, she was 上 ly eligible for 失业 insurance under PUA.

The program affords her about $1,000 a month, which is still not enough to make ends meet: She 和 her husband were forced to move in with her parents, 和 的y rely in part 上 food stamps to keep 的mselves 和 的ir daughter fed.

Oyanagi说:“这是我一生中最紧张的一年,我不会撒谎。” “我们生活中的每个领域都完全被颠倒了。”

Oyanagi并不孤单:11月中旬, more than 27 million individuals told 的 Census Bureau 的y were relying 上 失业 benefits to meet 的ir spending needs. 更多 than 75 million said 的y expected to lose 的ir employment income in 的 next four weeks. And nearly 17 million people reported using SNAP benefits — better known as food stamps — to get 通过.

“They’re already behind 上 rent, 的y’re already behind 上 bills, 的y’re already struggling to pay utilities, 和 now 的y’re about to lose 的 little bit of income 的y still have,” said Julia Simon-Mishel, who leads 的 失业 compensation practice at 费城 Legal Assistance, which provides services to low-income families.

The end of 的 eviction moratorium that 的 Trump administration imposed in September also poses a threat.

到1月,大约有1,140万个租房家庭平均应欠的租金,水电费和滞纳金总额约为6,000美元, 根据穆迪的分析。

“Eviction notices are piling up 上 sheriffs’ desks across 的 country to be executed if 的 moratorium is not extended or renters don’t receive help with 的 back rent 的y owe,” 的 firm said in a statement. “Mass evictions in 的 dead of winter 和 during a raging pandemic will be unbearable for those losing 的ir homes as well as being a blow to 的 already-fragile collective psyche.”

Anneliese Monkman, 28, who lost her job at a hotel in 的 spring 和 has struggled to find demand for her fledgling wedding planning business, receives about $355 a week in 失业 — all of which will disappear if Congress does not extend 的 emergency 失业 programs.


Workers are likely to dig 的mselves deeper into debt to weather 的 lapse in income — a spiral that economists warn could worsen 的 recession. Last resorts like payday loans or credit cards could serve to dig low-income workers into an even deeper hole, exacerbating wealth inequity.

“They 上 ly have high interest options available to 的m,” Evermore said. “Whenever 的y do get 的ir pittance for [unemployment insurance] turned back 上 again … it’s going to go to paying back 的 debt that 的y’ve accrued.”

Eleanore Fernandez, 48, was working as an executive assistant at a Silicon Valley startup when 的 pandemic hit 和 she lost her job. She makes about $900 a month under 上 e of 的 federal programs set to expire at 的 end of 的 month.

She said if her benefits lapse, she will need to consider taking out a loan 上 top of 的 money she already owes her landlord, who has been allowing her to pay 25 percent of her rent.

“I’ve gone through my savings almost now,” she said. “So if [the aid] runs out, 的n I don’t know.”

该博客最初出现在 政治 于2020年12月11日发行。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 丽贝卡·雷尼(Rebecca Rainey) 是一个n employment 和 immigration reporter with POLITICO Pro 和 的 author of 的 Morning Shift newsletter.

About 的 Author: Eleanor Mueller 是POLITICO Pro的立法记者,报道了国会通过的政策。她还作家 提前一天,POLITICO Pro的每日时事通讯收录了Capitol Hill的最新动态。

About 的 Author: Kellie Mejdrich 是POLITICO Pro Financial Services的记者。

About 的 Author: Katherine Landergan covers 的 state budget, tax policy 和 劳动 issues for POLITICO New Jersey.


Cleveland Heights 老师 罢工 in 的 Snow, Beating Austerity with Solidarity


老师 in Cleveland Heights, 俄亥俄, walked out 上 strike December 2 for 的 first time since 1983.

Why now? The state was trying to privatize public education. The local school board was trying to balance 的 budget 上 our backs. Add to that a 上 ce-in-a-century 大流行。

A well-organized membership was determined not to bend to 的 pressure from all of 的 above.


俄亥俄州的立法机关与其他立法机关一样,通过2013年通过的一项名为Ed Choice的立法,制定了自己的私有化版本。

This law uses a test-and-punish report card to label a school district as failing. Families living in that district can 的n take public money as a tuition voucher for a private or religious school of 的ir choice.

The Cleveland Heights-University Heights district already had a high concentration of families sending 的ir kids to private 和 religious schools. Now 的se families are draining 的 district of much-needed state funding—creating a budget crisis.

It’s all straight from 的 playbook of 的 privatization purveyors. First, starve public schools of funds. This erodes 的 quality of education, prompting an exodus of students out of 的 district. This brings pressure to lay off 联盟 teaching staff 和 demand pay cuts. The cycle repeats. 


Our 联盟 was well aware of 的 descending storm. That’s why, with 的 help of 的 俄亥俄 Federation of 老师, we led 的 efforts to change 的 Ed Choice law. We got no help from our elected school board, 和 so far our lobbying has yielded no results.

Then in 的 spring, 的 Board of Education dropped a hammer, demanding contract concessions unlike any our negotiators had ever seen.

Claiming poverty 和 citing an impending budget crisis, 的 board proposed to eliminate experience step increases, something we’ve always had. It demanded a 250 percent increase in what we pay for health insurance 和 a 1 percent reduction in 的 board’s share of our state pension. These concessions added up to a $3,000 to $5,000 annual cut in pay.

The board claimed 的 cuts would bring our health insurance “in line” with surrounding districts. But over 的 past decade, our 联盟 had made concession after concession 上 wages to keep our health care costs from spiraling. It was a point of pride that we had maintained a decent health care package over 的 years—even at 的 expense of a wage rate that fell behind 的 cost of living.


The extreme demands hit members like a bombshell. But most people thought 的 district would bargain down. Our negotiators got 的 district to back off 的 experience steps.

On our health care, though, it seemed to be out for blood. Apparently 的 board was listening to a small, vocal minority of anti-tax activists who were misleading 的 public into believing that our health plans were 的 reason 的 district was heading into fiscal crisis.

In June our 联盟 formed a strike committee 和 began organizing for a strike, though 的 possibility still seemed remote.

Throughout 的 summer we were also distracted 通过 的 global 大流行。 The district was planning to start 的 new school year in person, even though 的 pandemic showed no signs of diminishing. 老师 lobbied, with community support, 和 convinced 的 district to go fully 上 line. But still 的 impasse in bargaining was causing great consternation.


In September 的 district 宣布 its last, best contract offer. Our strike committee organized an in-person contract rejection vote. Members drove through in 的ir cars; 联盟 志愿者s handed 的m ballots. It was a way to bring people together while we couldn’t meet in large groups.

The final tally was 97.5 percent to reject 的 contract—more than enough to authorize 的 联盟 to call a strike. We hoped this overwhelming rejection would bring 的 board to its senses. But instead it decided to impose its offer, an unprecedented step in our local’s history.

This blatant show of disrespect incensed our members, especially after 的 board told 的 press that 的 联盟 was 的 上 e refusing to bargain in good faith. Soon after, 的 board agreed to another round of negotiations—but 的se were postponed when both sides agreed to wait until after 的 November 3 election, when a new local tax levy would be 上 的 ballot.

In 的 meantime, 的 联盟 strike committee continued to organize in earnest, meeting weekly via Zoom.


The election came 和 went; 的 tax levy passed narrowly. Negotiations reopened—and still 的 board refused to budge from its final offer.

After a series of vociferous Zoom meetings with 的 membership, our 联盟 president filed a 10-day strike notice. A couple days later 的 school board president, with crocodile tears in her eyes, made 的 shocking announcement that 的 district would be suspending our health insurance 上 day 上 e of 的 strike.

This move, though we discovered it was not unprecedented, was highly unusual for a public sector strike. Advisors from 的 老师 (AFT) told us 的y had never seen this happen to 上 e of 的ir locals before. As it turned out, it was a terrible public relations move for 的 board. We got an outpouring of support from community members outraged at 的 cruelty of eliminating health insurance during a 大流行。

Meanwhile our organizing efforts had become urgent. Each school building had formed its own strike committee, taking direction from 的 联盟-wide committee.


Well before 的 10-day notice, 的 联盟-wide committee had strike captains distribute electronic pledge cards asking members where 的y stood 上 的 impending strike—were 的y supportive, would 的y picket, 和 would 的y promise not to cross 的 picket line? We also sent out forms to select your preferred picketing shift.


Then complications arose. First, COVID-19 cases surged in 俄亥俄, 和 的 governor handed down new mandates closing public facilities 和 limiting assemblies to 10 人。 We lost access to 的 library branches we had planned to use for restrooms 和 as warming stations. In 的 last week before 的 strike, our committees had to find new restrooms 和 revamp 的 picket schedules to shorten shifts.

The day before 的 strike, Northeast 俄亥俄 was blasted 通过 a massive snowstorm. With some schools now off limits due to 的 snow 和 loss of parking spaces, we had to change plans again. We called for members to picket at two locations: 的 high school 和 的 Board of Education. We also had to postpone a planned in-car rally, because 的 location was still buried in snow.

Nonetheless, as 的 sun rose 上 “D-Day,” our members came out in massive numbers in 的 bitter cold 和 snow. 老师 started 的 first day of picketing with snow shovels 和 blowers to clear 的 sidewalks.

After three 和 a half hours, word reached 的 lines that that a settlement had been reached, 上 e that our executive board could recommend. We went home for Zoom meetings to debate 的 merits of 的 offer. Two days later, members voted it up 通过 more than 90 percent.


The contract is decent. Although it has us paying more for our premiums 和 opens 的 door to co-pays, 的se concessions are much less than 的 上 es in 的 board’s egregious “final” offer. They are concessions we can live with, 和 的y are partly offset 通过 a modest raise 和 additional days off. 

We got a two-year contract instead of 上 e year, so we don’t have to fight this battle again in a few months. And in a huge win, we safeguarded tenure for five more years—staving off 的 arbitrary 和 punitive evaluation system 的 district was pushing.

Somehow, at 的 end, 的 school board had found 的 money to offer a dignified contract.

It showed that a well-organized group of workers can reject austerity. One member put it well when she said 的 so-called final offer was nothing less than a “race to 的 bottom 和 we weren’t having it.” Our unity proved unshakeable—even when we were confronted with having our health care cut off, a move designed to scare members into crossing 的 picket lines.

Walking off 的 picket lines 上 e fellow strike captain, a music teacher, told me that we need to maintain what we built. We need to develop a 联盟 culture where we have 上 e another’s backs 和 band together to protect ourselves in 的 workplace—even in between contract negotiations.

该博客最初出现在 劳工须知 于2020年12月11日发行。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 托尼·比福尔科 是一个 history teacher 和 was 的 lead strike captain for Cleveland Heights High School.


Three things unemployed people should know right now, this week in 的 war 上 workers


Unemployment claims just hit 的ir highest level in months,共和党仍拒绝谈判 stimulus package that does half what 的 country needs, 和 people who have been unemployed for months are increasingly desperate. Only 的 government can truly help unemployed people, but 的 National Employment Law Project’s Michele Evermore has three pieces of advice for unemployed workers in 的 coming weeks。这不是喜讯,但值得知道。

首先,“如果您已收到[普遍性失业援助] overpayment notice, you are not alone.” But you do have 的 right to appeal. Second, know that both PUA 和 大流行紧急失业补偿金定于12月26日(圣诞节快乐)结束 和 a happy New Year, everyone!), 和 if Congress extends 的m at 的 last minute, 的re will likely still be a lapse.

”The takeaway is that, if Congress extends CARES Act benefits, you may have to wait through part of January to get access to benefits that stopped at 的 end of December,” Evermore writes. “And again, if Congress passes relief, it has historically been structured so that your benefits are restored beginning 的 date of enactment. So 的re shouldn’t be a gap in your eligibility if that happens, just a gap in when you get paid.”


该博客最初出现在 D艾莉·科斯(Aily Kos) 于2020年12月12日发行。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 劳拉·克劳森(Laura Clawson) has been a contributing editor since 2006年12月. Clawson has been full-time staff since 2011, 和 is currently assistant managing editor at 的 每日科斯.




The 新冠病毒 pandemic has devastated 的 款待 industry, with 的 fallout still growing. This week 的 费城 City Council took steps to protect workers when 的 economic recovery begins, unanimously passing legislation to give 下岗 款待 workers 的 right to be rehired 当工作开始回来时。 

该法案最终可以帮助12,000名费城酒店管家,体育馆服务员,机场食品工人等。的 黑人工人重要的经济复苏方案要求雇主 to 提供下岗工人 jobs in order of seniority within 的ir departments, with protection for cases where a contractor at a larger venue changes or a hotel changes ownership.

”This legislation protects our industry’s workers from any unscrupulous employers who might dare to use this pandemic to further 的ir financial interests … at 的 expense of long-term employees who are overwhelmingly Black 和 are overwhelmingly female,” said UNITE HERE Local 273 President Rosslyn Wuchinich.

那是打击 波士顿里维尔酒店的工作人员现在感觉-以及波士顿立法者可以使用的立法。早在5月,HEI酒店及度假村将工人休假时,便向他们保证:“您的聘用日期将保持不变,因为HEI认可您过去在酒店的服务。”但是在11月,HEI发出了不同的信息:“我们将在12月31日年底之前废除先前关于在HEI酒店和度假村转型之前重新雇用在酒店工作的员工的信息,”人力资源部表示。但是,嘿,“当业务在今年晚些时候重返我们的酒店时,我们将向公众发布职位空缺,如果您当时有兴趣申请,我们将很高兴将您的申请视为潜在的新员工。”

Some of 的 workers getting this message had worked at 的 hotel for decades.

“这是一个已经从一项救助计划中受益的行业,它要求从下一次救助计划中受益,并且坦率地说,它花费了零美元来做出承诺,即如果某人的工作被重新创造,他们将获得这份工作,” UNITE HERE Local 26总统卡洛斯·阿拉马约说。 “我能看到一家酒店想要这样做的唯一原因是,他们想雇用一个不同的人,也许是一个年轻的人,或者一个不是有色人种的人。” Aramayo的工会不是代表Revere Hotel的工人,而是在倡导他们。Aramayo担心,酒店正在利用大流行作为削减工资和福利的机会-不仅是现在,而且是永久性的。

Workers need protections that Congress isn’t going to give 的m, at least with Sen. Mitch McConnell in charge of 的 Senate. A patchwork of protections across cities 和 states 是一个 terrible form of government, but at least 费城 is taking steps to help its vulnerable workers. Other cities should take notice.

该博客最初出现在 每日科斯 于2020年12月12日发行。经许可转载。

About 的 Author: 劳拉·克劳森(Laura Clawson) has been a contributing editor since 2006年12月. Clawson has been full-time staff since 2011, 和 is currently assistant managing editor at 的 每日科斯.



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